The EU strongly opposed the resumption of backstop talks. Tusk reacted tuesday to Johnson`s letter by saying that the argument against the backstop was a sign of support for the restoration of a hard border. Katy Hayward, Reader in Sociology at Queen`s University Belfast, says that a hard border in itself does not call into question the agreement, but that it is “fair to say” that the acceptance of the Good Friday agreement was “closer integration.” In October 2016, the Guardian reported that British proposals to avoid a hard border by “transferring the front line of [British] immigration controls to Irish ports and airports had received “signals of support” from some members of the Enda Kenny government.  However, until 2017, a spokesman for the new Irish government of Leo Varadkar said that the reports had been “ill-informed” and that there were “no questions from British officials acting as border guards in Ireland”.   The Supreme Consul of Northern Ireland, George Hamilton, has repeatedly said that a hard border would undermine the broader peace process. This Article in the Times “Norway is not a good example” in border control” (18 November 17) quotes Ann Linde (Swedish Minister of EU and Trade) – “Swedish companies [have found], it is easier to land on the Moon than trade with Norway; The border between Sweden and Norway is “as good as possible,” but companies have even more difficulty trading with Norway than with Russia and China and “you have to go through the whole customs administration. There`s so much bureaucracy. It takes about four minutes for each truck to travel between Sweden and Norway. Sky News publishes the story (27 Feb 18) on boris Johnson`s (Foreign Minister)`s flight in which he contemplates the return of a hard border: “Even if a hard border were reintroduced, we would expect 95% of goods to cross the border [without] controls. (Added 28 Feb 18). Johnson is right that the abolition of the backstop would not be contrary to the terms of the Good Friday agreement. The agreement does not explicitly guarantee full opening of the borders between Ireland and the United Kingdom. On the contrary, demilitarization has led by default to an open border.
In October 2019, the UK and EU negotiators agreed on a revised protocol (see below) that resolved many of these problems by allowing Northern Ireland to leave de jure but effectively the border between the islands (Ireland and Britain). “We have to keep in mind the issue of the Irish border.” (Feb 5, 17) Graham Gudgin (Prospect Magazine) 7 Strand 2 of the GFA created new institutional and political structures that depended inextricably on the condition that the Irish border be a normal intra-European border and that the two states be members of the EU. The second part envisaged the creation of a North-South Council of Ministers (NSMC) which was very strongly in line with the model of the Council of European Ministers (5). One of these bodies, the Special Body of the European Union (SEUPB), was set up to monitor EU funding across borders. ERG MP Jacob Rees-Mogg also proposed the idea of unilateral free trade and an open border with Ireland as a solution. Their research concludes with a large-scale study of the views of local communities in a border region on Brexit. In an interview last year, he also placed the border in the context of the Good Friday agreement. Michel Barnier s.
(February 9, 18) was added to the hard border. It is under the section of the United Kingdom and the EU. As the UK and the EU continue to discuss how to avoid a hard border between Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland, I have put together a series of articles from different angles that deal with this issue. I am not saying that it covers everything, but can be a useful starting point.